by Gary Alexander

February 18, 2026

The last seven-days delivered no fewer than seven-holidays, averaging one per-day. First came Lincoln’s Birthday (February 12), which was a distinct holiday in my youth, before the birth of “President’s Day” (February 16 this year). Valentine’s Day came last Saturday, then a pair of special Tuesday celebrations, Mardi Gras in New Orleans, and the Chinese New Year. Today is a downer – as February 18th is “Ash Wednesday,” the start of a 40-day Lent, on the same day the 30-day fasts of Ramadan begin.

In 1968, the “Uniform Monday Holiday Act” created a new Monday holiday on the Monday between Lincoln’s and Washington’s birthday (February 22), arguably our two most consequential Presidents, as “President’s Day,” but there are actually four Presidents born in February – not just Lincoln and Washington. Perhaps the two most consequential 20th Century Presidents were also born in mid-winter: Franklin Roosevelt was born just before February, on January 30, 1882, and Ronald Reagan was born on February 6, 1911. This quartet could become our modified winter version of a new Mount Rushmore:

Great President Table

One other President was born in February, William Henry Harrison, born February 9, 1773. He gave a 2-hour Inauguration talk, sans coat, in freezing weather and died a month later – our shortest-term leader,

President Washington’s greatest act was perhaps to resign to his farm and not become King George I. He was also elected unanimously and refused to start (or join) a political party. After him, the partisan wars began, first with Adams vs. Jefferson, then the Whigs (like Harrison) vs. Republicans and Democrats.

The first Democratic National Convention was held in 1832, making the Democrats the oldest political party in the world. (Britain’s Conservative Party, the Tories, are the second oldest, founded in 1834).

The Republican Party, founded in 1854, is the #3 longest-living Party, but Washington loathed partisans.

Which Party (or President) is Best for the Stock Market?

Turning to the stock market, pundits have long argued over whether Republicans (who dominated the White House from 1860 to 1932), are better for business than the Democrats (who dominated from 1932 to 1980 and recently, 2008 to 2024). Several charts show stock markets performing better under our Democratic leaders – ignoring the composition of Congress. I have long argued – and shown here in charts – gridlock (one-party controlling Congress, the other controlling the White House) is the best mix for market performance, because it provides checks and balances against too much federal mischief.

However, transition times in election years are hard to score, like the 2000 dot-com bubble, the 2008 financial crisis, and a 2020 COVID attack coming at the end of one presidency and launch of another.

Most long-term investors ride out any crashes, but if you want to measure a president’s market impact you have to decide starting and ending points. Do you measure from: (1) election day, or (2) the start of the calendar year, or (3) inauguration day, or even (4) long before election day, when markets tend to anticipate the next president’s victory in advance? I’m sorry if this turns a clear debate into a complex study, but here are a few caveats for measuring presidencies, parties or market performance in their term:

  1. VOLATILITY is a big deal, as big crashes can cause some investors to sell prematurely.
  2. The content of CONGRESS at the time is also a big deal, as in the Clinton years, for instance.
  3. How much the President cooperates with Congress also makes a big difference.
  4. Most importantly, you also must account for inflation, which most charts don’t do.

So, all the historical charts of market performance based on Presidents and Parties are basically either woefully incomplete or worthless. It’s far better, in my view, to look at the policies passed in Congress during a President’s years in office: To measure presidential performance more accurately, we should:

  1. Examine the Economic POLICIES passed by a President and Congress together. For instance, President Clinton and the Gingrich Republicans passed capital gains tax cuts and created balanced budgets, 1997-2001. Which Party – or both, or neither – should get credit for those surpluses.
  1. Adjust all returns for inflation and volatility. Then combine these forces to rate presidential eras.

Here are three-examples of how tax cuts created market strength under each Party since the 1960s:

Example 1: 1963-68: Tax Cuts under a Democratic President and Congress (Kennedy-Johnson)

In “Taxes Have Consequences: An Income Tax History of the United States” (2022), Art Laffer and two other PhD economists (Jeanne Carnes Sinquefield and Brian Domatrovic) focused on the 110-years since the birth of the Fed and income taxes in 1913. Here is the first-example, of Democratic tax-cuts: 

From 1952 to 1963, the top income tax rate was 91%, resulting in slow growth under President Eisenhower, including three-recessions (charted below), but Democratic President John Kennedy proposed a cut in top tax-rates from 91% to 70% plus a cut in corporate taxes and trade tariffs. He was assassinated before his ideas passed, but Lyndon Johnson passed the “Kennedy-Johnson tax-cuts,” and the nation prospered for the rest of the 1960s, creating the longest, strongest postwar recovery so far.

FRED Chart- JFK-Photo

Graphs are for illustrative and discussion purposes only. Please read important disclosures at the end of this commentary.

Example 2: Late 1990s: Tax-Cuts under a Democratic President and Republican Congress (1994-2000) 

When the Republicans took over the House for the first time in 40-years (in 1994), President Bill Clinton changed his policy directives. He made dramatic statements, such as “The era of big government is over” and “This is the end of welfare as we know it,” and he meant it. He also cut capital gains taxes from 28% to 20% at the start of his second-term, creating a growth spurt, not to mention five-straight years of 20% or greater growth in the S&P 500, from 1995 to 1999. The end result was four-straight balanced budgets in the federal fiscal years ending 1998 through 2001, but then debt returned with a vengeance after 2001.

Example #3: 2019-2025: Higher Revenues Helped a Democrat (Biden) after a Republican Tax-Cut

The Trump tax cuts passed in late 2017 and took effect in 2018. Trump’s final “normal” fiscal year was 2019, before COVID changed our world. Since President Biden did not repeal or change the Trump tax-cuts, we now have what amounts to seven years of prosperity under Trump’s tax-cuts interrupted by one-year of COVID-shutdowns in 2020. Who gets credit for rising tax revenues and stock prices, Biden or Trump? Since 2019, annual revenues are up 51%, but federal spending is up even more, +57.6% in those same six-years, with cumulative deficits of $12.6-trillion, 2020-25, averaging $2.1-trillion per year.

CBO Table 1

It is understandable to see spending rise 50% in 2020, the COVID year, but why did spending stay well over $6-trillion every year thereafter? The Consumer Price Index (CPI) rose 26.5% from September 30, 2019 – the last day of fiscal year 2019 – to September 30, 2025 (the last day of fiscal year 2025), while federal spending more than doubled the CPI rate, at +57.6%. Spending is the problem, not tax revenue.

And now we have the 2025 tax-cuts starting to reward most households in the form of lower withholding taxes, greater tax refunds and the repeal of taxes on tips, overtime and some Social Security benefits. We don’t know yet how growth will follow but Louis Navellier and others now see 5% GDP growth in 2026.

All content above represents the opinion of Gary Alexander of Navellier & Associates, Inc.

Please see important disclosures below.

Also In This Issue

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The NASDAQ 100’s Gravitational Pull

Sector Spotlight by Jason Bodner
Major Market Indexes Have Defied Expectations – So Far in 2026

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Read Past Issues Here

About The Author

Gary Alexander
SENIOR EDITOR

Gary Alexander has been Senior Writer at Navellier since 2009.  He edits Navellier’s weekly Marketmail and writes a weekly Growth Mail column, in which he uses market history to support the case for growth stocks.  For the previous 20-years before joining Navellier, he was Senior Executive Editor at InvestorPlace Media (formerly Phillips Publishing), where he worked with several leading investment analysts, including Louis Navellier (since 1997), helping launch Louis Navellier’s Blue Chip Growth and Global Growth newsletters.

Prior to that, Gary edited Wealth Magazine and Gold Newsletter and wrote various investment research reports for Jefferson Financial in New Orleans in the 1980s.  He began his financial newsletter career with KCI Communications in 1980, where he served as consulting editor for Personal Finance newsletter while serving as general manager of KCI’s Alexandria House book division.  Before that, he covered the economics beat for news magazines. All content of “Growth Mail” represents the opinion of Gary Alexander

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